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<\/p>\nIn the heart of Appalachia, law enforcement is often seen as being on the front line of the addiction crisis.<\/p>\n
Bre Dolan, a 35-year-old resident of Hardy County, West Virginia, understands why. Throughout her childhood, when her dad had addiction and mental health crises, police officers were often the first ones to respond. Dolan calls them “good men and women” who “care about seeing their community recover.”<\/p>\n
But she’s skeptical that they can mitigate the root causes of an addiction epidemic that has racked her home state for decades.<\/p>\n
“Most of the busts that go down are addicts,” she said \u2014 people who need treatment, not prison.<\/p>\n
Dolan’s father was one of them. And so was she.<\/p>\n
Now 14 years into recovery, she’s been surprised to see many local officials spending opioid settlement money \u2014 an influx of cash from companies accused of fueling the overdose crisis \u2014 on police Tasers, cruisers, night vision gear, and more.<\/p>\n
“How is that really tackling an issue?” Dolan said. “How will it help families battling addiction?”<\/p>\n
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Nationwide, more than $61 million in opioid settlement funds were spent on law enforcement-related efforts in 2024, according to a yearlong investigation by KFF Health News and researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Shatterproof, a national nonprofit focused on addiction. That included initiatives that public health experts largely support, such as hiring social workers to accompany officers on overdose calls, as well as actions they’re more skeptical of, such as beefing up police arsenals.<\/p>\n
Over nearly two decades, state and local governments are set to receive more than $50 billion<\/a> in opioid settlement money, which is intended to be used to fight addiction. The settlement agreements even outlined suggested uses<\/a> and established other guardrails to limit unrelated uses of the funds \u2014 as happened with<\/a> the Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement of the 1990s.<\/p>\n But there’s still significant flexibility with these dollars, and what constitutes a good use to one person can be deemed waste by another.<\/p>\n To Stephen Loyd<\/a>, an addiction medicine doctor who was once addicted to opioids and has served as an expert in several opioid lawsuits, some law enforcement expenses fall into that second category.<\/p>\n Drones<\/a> and police officer salaries<\/a> are not “in the spirit of what we wanted to use the money for when we were fighting for it,” Loyd said.<\/p>\n “People died for this money. Families were torn apart for this money. And to not spend it to try to make our system better, so that people don’t have to experience those losses going forward, to me, is unconscionable,” he said.<\/p>\n As part of this investigation, KFF Health News and its partners compiled the most comprehensive national database of opioid settlement spending to date, featuring more than 10,500 examples of how the money was used (or not) last year. The team filed public records requests, scoured government websites, and extracted expenditures, which were then sorted into categories<\/a>, such as treatment or prevention. The findings include:<\/p>\n This year’s database, including the expenditures and untrackable percentages, should not be compared with the one KFF Health News and its partners compiled last year<\/a>, due to methodology changes<\/a> and state budget quirks. The database cannot present a full picture because some jurisdictions don’t publish reports or delineate spending by year. What’s shown is a snapshot of 2024 and does not account for decisions in 2025.<\/p>\n Still, the database helps counteract the secrecy among some of those<\/a> in charge of settlement money and confusion<\/a> among those tracking it<\/a>.<\/p>\n \u2018How My Population Would Like Me To Vote’<\/strong><\/p>\n Dolan has seen intergenerational addiction up close. When her father was high, he sometimes kicked teenage Dolan out of the house with her toddler siblings. She started drinking early and progressed to other drugs, eventually landing in prison.<\/p>\n Although she managed to find recovery on her own, even landing a job as an EMT, she wants to make the path easier for others.<\/p>\n If settlement money were used to hire social workers or build family recovery programs, it could change the course of a kid’s life, she said.<\/p>\n “Maybe people could have helped my dad get into recovery and gave him therapy,” she said. “Anything could have happened.”<\/p>\n But many local officials say law enforcement is one of the few tools they have, especially in rural areas. And their constituents believe it’s effective.<\/p>\n “If the goal was treatment and prevention, it would have been better to throw [the money] into a big grant system and give it to treatment centers,” said Cris Meadows<\/a>, city manager of Oak Hill, West Virginia, which paid more than $67,000<\/a> for a drone and surveillance cameras for its police department. “Unfortunately, local governments are really not set up to do that.”<\/p>\n Clarkdale, Arizona, Town Manager Susan Guthrie<\/a> said her town bought nearly $15,000 worth of drones<\/a> because they help with enforcement \u2014 such as recording crime scenes and conducting search-and-rescue operations \u2014 as well as education, when officers interact with kids at community events.<\/p>\n Similar perspectives nationwide have led to spending that includes:<\/p>\n Several elected officials said their choices reflect local politics.<\/p>\n That’s “how my population would like me to vote,” Hardy County Commissioner Steven Schetrom<\/a> said of his commission’s goal to spend about a quarter of its settlement money on law enforcement.<\/p>\n Mooresville Town Council President Tom Warthen<\/a> told KFF Health News, “People have petitioned our government for less taxes but have never petitioned for less services” from the local police force. With federal and state budget cuts looming, the town must be resourceful, he said, adding that the Tasers were bought with a portion of settlement funds that have no restrictions.<\/p>\n After these purchases, an Indiana commission issued a list<\/a> of law enforcement equipment that it cautioned against buying with restricted settlement dollars. California<\/a>, Kansas<\/a>, and Virginia<\/a> have released similar lists.<\/p>\n Research backs those restrictions. Studies have shown that drug busts and arrests can exacerbate the overdose crisis<\/a>. Officers responding to overdoses<\/a> often arrest people<\/a>, making people who use drugs fearful of calling 911<\/a> or seeking treatment<\/a> through police.<\/p>\n In contrast, equipping police officers with overdose reversal medications has been shown to save lives<\/a>. That’s a key component of an $18 million effort<\/a> in Texas, the state with the highest percentage of reported law enforcement spending.<\/p>\n Police and Firefighter Salaries<\/strong><\/p>\n Some places used settlement funds to maintain basic first responder services.<\/p>\n For example, Mantua Township, New Jersey, used about $79,000<\/a> to “offset police salary and wages” and, according to its public spending report, plans to do so annually<\/a>. Township officials did not respond to requests for comment.<\/p>\n Los Angeles County allocated $1 million<\/a> to cover a portion of firefighter salaries and benefits last year and estimates it will use another $1 million this year.<\/p>\n County fire department spokesperson Heidi Oliva said opioid funds were used to fill a budget gap until revenue kicked in from a new tax voters approved<\/a> last November.<\/p>\n The use of funds was “appropriate,” she said in an email, because “the opioid crisis presents a significant burden to EMS response, from dispatch through arrival at hospitals, clinician mental health\/burnout, and a variety of other factors.”<\/p>\n Using opioid money to replace other revenue is legal in most places<\/a>. But it’s considered bad practice<\/a>.<\/p>\n “I don’t want to see this money used to make up for stuff that would be paid for anyway,” said Daniel Busch<\/a>, chair of the FED UP! Coalition, a national advocacy organization representing many parents who’ve lost children to addiction.<\/p>\n Settlement dollars are “the only financial representation from the governments and from the drug companies” of families’ losses, Busch said. To see that money used to maintain the status quo is “painful” and “distressing.”<\/p>\n Busch fears this practice will become more common<\/a> as states grapple with federal budget cuts.<\/p>\n Already in New Jersey, lawmakers allocated $45 million<\/a> in settlement funds to health systems to cushion against anticipated Medicaid losses \u2014 a move opposed by the state’s attorney general<\/a>, opioid settlement advisory council<\/a>, and advocates<\/a>.<\/p>\n However, some states are taking proactive steps.<\/p>\n Colorado released guidance<\/a> this year against such actions.<\/p>\n “These dollars can’t be part of budget games where we simply backfill existing programs,” state Attorney General Phil Weiser told KFF Health News. “We have to build on whatever we’re doing because it hasn’t been enough.”<\/p>\n Other states, such as Maine<\/a>, Maryland<\/a>, and Kentucky<\/a>, are newly requiring local governments to report how they spend the money, which may make it easier to spot disputed practices. Officials in Delaware, Hawaii, Massachusetts, and Missouri said they expect to revamp their public reporting systems to increase transparency by early 2026.<\/p>\n In Mississippi, which produced no substantive public reports last year, the attorney general’s office has set up a website<\/a> that will host spending information after Dec. 1.<\/p>\n Jennifer Twyman is anxious to see some positive changes.<\/p>\n “We have people literally dying on our sidewalks,” said the Louisville, Kentucky, advocate.<\/p>\n Twyman struggled with opioid misuse for 20 years and now works with Vocal-KY<\/a> to end homelessness and the war on drugs. To her, any spending that doesn’t directly help people with addiction betrays the settlement’s purpose.<\/p>\n “It is the blood from many of my friends, people that I care deeply about,” she said. “That money could have been me, could have been my life.”<\/p>\n Read the methodology<\/a> behind this project.<\/em><\/p>\n KFF Health News’ Henry Larweh; Shatterproof’s Kristen Pendergrass and Lillian Williams; and the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health’s Abigail Winiker, Samantha Harris, Isha Desai, Katibeth Blalock, Erin Wang, Olivia Allran, Connor Gunn, Justin Xu, Ruhao Pang, Jirka Taylor, and Valerie Ganetsky contributed to the database featured in this article.<\/em><\/p>\n The <\/em>Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health<\/em><\/a> has taken a leading role in providing guidance to state and local governments on the use of opioid settlement funds. Faculty from the school collaborated with other experts in the field to create <\/em>principles for using the money<\/em><\/a>, which have been endorsed by over 60 organizations.<\/em><\/p>\n Shatterproof<\/em><\/a> is a national nonprofit that addresses substance use disorder through distinct initiatives, including advocating for state and federal policies, ending addiction stigma, and educating communities about the treatment system.<\/em><\/p>\n Shatterproof is partnering with some states on projects funded by opioid settlements. KFF Health News, the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, and the Shatterproof team that worked on this report are not involved in those efforts.<\/em><\/p>\n\n KFF Health News<\/a> is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF\u2014an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n
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